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The tragedy of Zimbabwe
Author: Will in Chicago    Date: 07/02/2008 08:40:46

African leaders are calling for unity in Zimbabwe after Friday’s sham election – an election that points out how a regime can abuse its power and use fear and violence to achieve political ends. The story of Zimbabwe should be seen not just as a tragedy, but as a cautionary tale of what can happen when one man or one branch of the government has too much power and when those with power chose to ignore the humanity of others.

While the administration of George W. Bush has condemned the fraudulent elections and the violence, the power and prestige of the United States is greatly diminished. Beyond the problems here with the 2000 and 2004 elections, the torture of prisoners at places like Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo, extraordinary rendition of prisoners to foreign countries, and the wire-tapping of American citizens without a warrant has undermined the claim to moral authority that the United States could have made in the recent past. John F. Kennedy’s shining city on a hill has gone dim under the shadow of the Bush administration and its policies and the world no longer looks to us for moral leadership.

While Reuters reports that Mugabe leaves summit under pressure from AU rebuff, it has largely been pressure from African nations and the European Union that seems to have caused President Mugabe to head back home. At one time, the U.S. would have lead the way in condemning the sorts of abuses that have happened recently – from election fraud to violence against political opponents and their families.


Here is an article from the June 30, 2008 online edition of Newsweek that details some of the most recent brutality.

A Brutal Toll
A group of white farmers bears the brunt of ZANU-PF's force.
By Rod Nordland | Newsweek Web Exclusive
Some details, such as timing and description of movements, in the following are altered for the safety of NEWSWEEK's reporter.

Ben Freeth did not expect to be alive today. Just after midnight this morning, the white farmer was lying face down next to a bonfire, beside Mike and Angela Campbell, his wife's parents. He had no idea where his own three small children and his wife, Laura, were, only that a marauding band of loyalists from the ruling ZANU-PF party was hitting all the white farms in their district near the town of Chegutu, about 60 miles southwest of Harare. The three had been abducted from their farm by an armed gang and brought to their base. By midnight, they had been beaten for seven hours, while their tormentors danced around the bonfire and told them they'd kill them. "I really thought we were all dead," he said. "It must have been our prayers that stopped it. I was praying, and all our friends were praying, and then they put us in a truck and dumped us beside the road outside Kadoma," a town about 25 miles away.

Why the ZANU-PF let them live isn't clear, but the reasons for the attack were plain. Freeth, who is British-born, and his in-laws, white Zimbabweans, are among a small band of white farmers who remain in the fertile agricultural area, the scene of many of the forced expropriations of commercial farms; from 300 white farmers at the beginning of the decade, only about 30 remain in that area. Nationally, the pattern is similar. Mt. Carmel Farm, which belongs to the Campbells and Freeths and produces mangoes for export and a variety of other crops on 1,200 hectares [about 3,000 acres], had been targeted for expropriation two years ago by Nathan Shamuyarira, the official spokesman for the ZANU-PF party, who arrived at their gate with an order signed by the minister of land and agriculture telling them to surrender the farm to him. Under a bill enacted by Robert Mugabe's government, land could be expropriated on an administrative order at any time if the ministry determined that it was justified. Most of the farms in their area have been handed over to Mugabe government officials, diplomats, judges and army officers, although the intention of the bill was to give land to the landless. Freeth and the Campbells fought back, however, taking their case to a tribunal of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and arguing they were the victims of racial discrimination, in response to which the tribunal issued a restraining order. "We're challenging the land reform as a totally racist thing," Freeth said from his hospital bed in Harare (I've been asked not to identify the hospital). "We have neighbors who are black farmers who have not been targeted."

On top of that, during the election campaign, Freeth wrote an open letter that was widely disseminated outside of Zimbabwe detailing the intimidation of black farm workers, many of them supporters of the opposition MDC party, by ZANU-PF party activists—who rounded them up for all-night vigils and political harangues in the Chegutu area, often meting out beatings to workers on the Mt. Carmel farm and to MDC supporters. "None of us knows what will happen next," Freeth wrote. "Dictators like Mugabe do not step down. Like Hitler, they go on till their country is in ruins and their people are in rags. World leaders tut-tut as the crimes against humanity go on unhindered; but their perpetrators live on and travel the world with impunity."


What Freeth went through is related in the following video [CNN] New Wave of Violence follows Zimbabwe Election:



Sadly, there are many more stories like this one to relate - with innocent civilians paying the price of an unjust regime's effort to stay in power at any cost.

Take this recent story from the Daily Telegraph:
Zimbabwe: 'I saw Robert Mugabe's thugs beat a man to death'
By Louis Weston in Harare
Last Updated: 1:35PM BST 27/06/2008
The hollow victory Robert Mugabe will win in today's Zimbabwean election is not enough for his thugs.

Their onslaught of beating and killing carried on unabated yesterday.

Even after Morgan Tsvangirai, the Movement for Democratic Change leader, pulled out of the poll on Sunday because of mounting violence against his supporters, Mr Mugabe's Zanu-PF militia have continued their attacks.

Japhet Kenneth, 36, told The Telegraph how the militia men came for him again this week – he had already been beaten up two weeks ago.

They took him to their base on a seized farm in Seke constituency, a few miles south of the capital Harare, tied him to a pole with wire and gave him a severe beating.
And as he watched from a few feet away, one of his colleagues was murdered.

"I saw with my own eyes," said Mr Kenneth "He was beaten with a rock."


Sadly, this is not the first incident of political violence. Take this story from the Times of London from June 12, 2008 (Yes, Rupert Murdoch owns the paper – but there are many reports like this.)

Robert Mugabe's militia burn opponent’s wife alive
Jan Raath in Mhondoro

The men who pulled up in three white pickup trucks were looking for Patson Chipiro, head of the Zimbabwean opposition party in Mhondoro district. His wife, Dadirai, told them he was in Harare but would be back later in the day, and the men departed.
An hour later they were back. They grabbed Mrs Chipiro and chopped off one of her hands and both her feet. Then they threw her into her hut, locked the door and threw a petrol bomb through the window.

The killing last Friday – one of the most grotesque atrocities committed by Robert Mugabe’s regime since independence in 1980 – was carried out on a wave of worsening brutality before the run-off presidential elections in just over two weeks. It echoed the activities of Foday Sankoh, the rebel leader in the Sierra Leone civil war that ended in 2002, whose trade-mark was to chop off hands and feet.

Mrs Chipiro, 45, a former pre-school teacher, was the second wife of a junior official of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) burnt alive last Friday by Zanu (PF) militiamen. Pamela Pasvani, the 21-year-old pregnant wife of a local councillor in Harare, did not suffer mutilation but died later of her burns; his six-year-old son perished in the flames.



Yes, not even children are safe from the political violence, as can be seen again in the case of another young child. (Again, from the Times of London on June 29, 2008)

Robert Mugabe’s thugs shout: ‘Let’s kill the baby’
Christina Lamb

A baby boy had both legs broken by supporters of President Robert Mugabe to punish his father for being an opposition councillor in Zimbabwe.

Blessing Mabhena, aged 11 months, was seized from a bed and flung down with force as his mother, Agnes, hid from the thugs, convinced that they were about to murder her.

She heard one of them say, “Let’s kill the baby”, before Blessing was hurled on to a bare concrete floor.



http://www.timesonline.co.uk/multimedia/archive/00359/Delani_359483a.jpg


Blessing may never be able to walk properly because of his injuries. If this is indeed the case, I can only imagine the difficulty that Blessing Mabhena's parents will have in trying to explain his injuries and the cruelty of those who caused them. I do not use the word evil lightly, but I will use it whenever innocent people are terrorized, harmed, or murdered.

While no country on the planet is perfect, the abuses in Zimbabwe are very troubling. However, the United States of America is now in a weaker position than in any time since the end of the Vietnam War to claim the moral high ground. This is a sad and unintended consequence of the Bush administration’s “war on terror.” (The Bush administration has perhaps cornered the market on unintended consequences, including ironically being the most effective recruiter that Osama bin Laden could imagine.) Now when we criticize the actions of other countries and their leaders - even when such abuses are apparent and well-documented - they can now point back at us over the horrors perpetrated by our own government in places like Abu Ghraib an Guantanamo. Like one of the symbols in the poem, the Rime of the Ancient Mariner, these places and the actions of the Bush administration have become a rotting albatross around our necks that we must chose to remove and acknowledge, even as we confront the cruelty around us and seek our own expiation.

The next administration has many tasks ahead of it, but one of the hardest will be to change the image that many now have of America. On September 12, 2001, the world stood with us. Indeed, there were demonstrations in SUPPORT of America in Tehran. Now, after the war in Iraq, there are many more people who will look at American claims to moral superiority with utter disdain.

Too often, when people read of tragedies in distant lands, they only think of numbers and statistics. While numbers and statistics are important in telling a story, we must remember that behind every statistic of injury and death that we read about from Zimbabwe, Iraq, Darfur or elsewhere, are human beings. They are someone's father, brother, son, mother, sister, or daughter. If, as I believe, every single human life is unique and precious, then the statistics are not just numbers. They represent affronts to both our common humanity and the uniqueness of each individual. The only way that the atrocities that are being committed against other human beings can occur is by someone choosing to deny the humanity of others. In war and in the commission of atrocities, the first step is always to demonize someone and set one's own group up as superior to others.

So, in addition to the American casualties, the allied casualties, the Afghani casualties and the Iraqi casualties, there are perhaps another category of uncounted victims of the failures of the Bush administration. They may be seen in places like Zimbabwe and Darfur, in Burma, in Tibet, and so many other lands as well. These are the people that the United States could have helped by more forcefully arguing for human rights and human dignity. We cannot save those who have been beat, tortured, or murdered while our eyes were focused elsewhere, but bringing an end to the failed foreign policy of the Bush administration means that we can perhaps begin to regain our credibility in the eyes of the world – and use that credibility and influence to try to discourage the sort of horror that has become all too commonplace in this new century.

Let us remember that even in the face of horror, people are not powerless. Brave men and women can take a stand, whether it is to pressure governments or to act individually as was done by such people as Oskar Schindler and Raoul Wallenberg in saving Jews from the death camps or Paul Rusesabagina chosing to save Tutsi refugees in Rwanda. Each in their own way denied the claim of tyrants that their power was absolute and that the people who were terrorized and killed were unimportant - or not even truly human. They remembered the humanity that the tyrants and their agents willfully ignored. They kept a humanity that too many people chose to abandon.

There is an old Jewish saying from the Talmud -"He who saves the life of one man, saves the world entire." This saying was inscribed on a ring by some of the people whom Oskar Schindler rescued. Schindler used the ring and a letter from the people he rescued to convince the Red Army that he was not of the perpetrators of the evil that they saw, but a man who did what he could to oppose it. As we reflect on the tragedies that we see in Zimbabwe and elsewhere, let us remember that we have the power to both save and change lives and the world - if we but find the courage within ourselves to take a stand in our own way and in our own time. In doing so, we may also save ourselves and our own humanity.

 

223 comments (Latest Comment: 07/03/2008 01:24:04 by Random)
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